Editorial Comment: The current situation in Thailand would indicate that Prime Minister Thaksin is under pressure to resign from street demonstrations in the capital, Bangkok. However, the NYT article reveals that Thaksin won last year’s elections with 61% of the vote and has implemented policies designed to help the rural poor who are the vast majority of Thailand’s 63 million population.
Axis readers should note that this situation is the same format as was used in Venezuela in 2002 and 2003 in the opposition’s vain attempt to oust Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez.
With parliamentary elections coming up in Thailand on April 2nd, the opposition has withdrawn from these elections exactly as they did in Venezuela for the December 4th 2005 National Assembly Elections, maintaining that the answer to the “political crisis” is Thaksin’s resignation.
The behavior and tactics of the Thai opposition would appear to have been copied from a CIA or NED manual on how to oust populist presidents or in the case of Thailand, the prime minister. Readers will recall that the Venezuelan opposition held many marches calling for Chávez’s resignation.
In order to, illustrate the carbon copy similarities of both situations, we are publishing a second article with the same facts and format as the original NYT article, but replacing Thai names with Venezuelan names and places. The result is an eye opener for Doubting Thomas’ who refuse to believe that the US is meddling in the internal affairs of many emerging nations with recent examples being the Ukraine, Georgia, Haiti, Venezuela and now Thailand.
- Axis of Logic Editorial Board
Protesters Jam Bangkok, but Rural Thais Love the Leader
By Thomas Fuller, New York Times
March 6, 2006
BAAN SUKSOMBOON, Thailand, March 5 — From her wooden stilt house surrounded by rice paddies, Sudjai Srimongkol stared down at her grunting piglets and chirping chicks on Sunday, shrugging off a question about the tens of thousands of antigovernment demonstrators who had gathered a six-hour-drive away in Bangkok.
Narong Sangnak/European Pressphoto Agency
Protesters burned an effigy of Thailand's prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, Sunday in Bangkok, where 50,000 people marched to demand that he resign. But in rural places like Baan Suksomboon, he is popular.
"I've never heard anyone here complain about Thaksin," Ms. Sudjai said, referring to Thaksin Shinawatra, the embattled Thai prime minister. "Everyone says he has helped them a lot."
Mr. Thaksin on Sunday faced what his opponents said would be a decisive moment in their campaign to oust him. According to official estimates, some 50,000 protesters marched through the capital, vowing not to go home until the prime minister resigned.
But in rural areas, where about two-thirds of Thailand's 63 million people live, Mr. Thaksin's popularity remains untarnished. Here in the country's vast and populous rice-farming heartland, it approaches adoration. Farmers and owners of small businesses say their lives have been transformed and their incomes have doubled during Mr. Thaksin's five years in power.
"Even if someone paid me I wouldn't go to an anti-Thaksin demonstration," said Suwat Laocharuen, the village chief of Baan Nonsawan, a short drive from Ms. Sudjai's stilt house. "We just love him."
Both Mr. Thaksin and his opponents expect the prime minister's party to win the most seats in the parliamentary election scheduled for April 2. But in a sign of the deepening split between Bangkok and the provinces, the opposition, which draws much of its support from Bangkok and parts of southern Thailand, has decided to boycott the election.
"Thaksin has tried for so many years to reduce democracy to numbers," Abhisit Vejjajiva, the leader of the main opposition party, told a gathering of foreign journalists last week. "Democracy is not all about elections. It's also about rights, about participation, about the need to have a strong, stable government as well as one that is transparent and respects the rule of law, subject to checks and balances."
Mr. Thaksin's opponents have accused him of corruption and abuse of power, charging that he has stripped key institutions of their independence — the courts, the press, the anticorruption authorities — and that he uses his office to further his business interests.
The tax-free sale of his family communications company to the Singapore government for $1.9 billion in January set off the latest round of protests. Opponents charged that the sale violated conflict-of-interest laws, benefited from a change in financial rules just before the sale, and turned over strategic assets, like communications satellites, to a foreign country.
But the argument that Mr. Thaksin must therefore resign does not wash with Mr. Suwat, the village chief. "It's not fair that a leader gets two-thirds of the vote and then is brought down by street demonstrations," he said.
In the February 2005 election, Mr. Thaksin won 61 percent of the vote, a landslide by Thai standards. In a country with a long history of messy coalitions, his Thai Rak Thai party was the first to win an absolute majority. In many rural areas, his party swept all of the seats.
Mr. Thaksin cemented the loyalty of rural Thais with a three-year moratorium on their debts and a government program that offered $26,000 to every village in Thailand, from which residents could borrow for small business ventures.
Partly as a result, rural incomes increased 29 percent in 2001, the first year Mr. Thaksin was in power, 23 percent the next year, and by double digits each year since. Last year, the average rural income reached $821, according to the Rural Development Information Center of the Interior Ministry.
Baan Suksomboon residents said they would be bitter if Mr. Thaksin was removed from power.
"Of course I will be angry," said Muthita Shinpromma, who works at a factory stitching Nike sweat pants for $3.70 a day. "Thaksin is helping people at the grass roots."
Mr. Thaksin also began a health program allowing Thais to obtain any medical treatment for just 77 cents per visit.
When asked why he supported Mr. Thaksin, Prachan Gaewchamlong lifted his shirt, revealing a road map of scars. A serious motorcycle accident last year left him with a broken jaw, ribs and hip. His total medical bill, he said: 77 cents.
Mr. Prachan, a rice farmer who moonlights thatching roofs, said he was convinced that the people demonstrating against Mr. Thaksin were being paid to show up.
The passions of the protesting university students, professors and professionals suggest otherwise, but the suspicion reflects the depth of the division in Thai society today. Some Thais have even compared the deeply polarized electorate here to that of the United States under President Bush.
Closer to home, there are striking parallels with the Philippines and the impeachment trial of Philippine President Joseph Estrada five years ago. Like Mr. Thaksin, Mr. Estrada was a populist figure beloved by the poor and despised by the elite and the intelligentsia.
Mr. Estrada was deposed in 2001.
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/03/06/international/
asia/06thai.html?_r=1&oref=slogin
Note to Readers: Please take a few minutes to now read the same NYT article after we have replaced the Thai names with Venezuelan names and places. - Eds
Protesters Jam Caracas, but Rural Venezuelans Love the Leader
Revised (original by Thomas Fuller)
Published: March 6, 2006
From her wooden stilt house surrounded by rice paddies, Zoraida Centeno stared down at her grunting piglets and chirping chicks on Sunday, shrugging off a question about the tens of thousands of antigovernment demonstrators who had gathered a six-hour-drive away in Caracas
Protesters burned an effigy of Venezuela’s president, Hugo Chavez, Sunday in Caracas, where 50,000 people marched to demand that he resign. But in rural places like Mucuchies, he is popular.
"I've never heard anyone here complain about Chavez," Ms. Centeno said, referring to Hugo Chavez , the embattled Venezuelan president. "Everyone says he has helped them a lot."
Mr. Chavez on Sunday faced what his opponents said would be a decisive moment in their campaign to oust him. According to official estimates, some 50,000 protesters marched through the capital, vowing not to go home until the prime minister resigned.
But in rural areas, where about two-thirds of Venezuela’s 26 million people live, Mr. Chavez’ popularity remains untarnished. Here in the country's vast and populous rice-farming heartland, it approaches adoration. Farmers and owners of small businesses say their lives have been transformed and their incomes have doubled during Mr. Chavez’ five years in power.
"Even if someone paid me I wouldn't go to an anti-Chavez demonstration," said Fernando Caballero, the village chief of La Fría a short drive from Ms. Centeno’s stilt house. "We just love him."
Both Mr. Chavez and his opponents expect the president’s party to win the most seats in the parliamentary election scheduled for April 2. But in a sign of the deepening split between Caracas and the provinces, the opposition, which draws much of its support from Caracas and parts of southern Venezuela, has decided to boycott the election. (December 4th 2005 in Venezuela – carbon copy and smells of CIA-US tactics)
"Chavez has tried for so many years to reduce democracy to numbers," Henry Ramos Allup, the leader of the main opposition party, told a gathering of foreign journalists last week. "Democracy is not all about elections. It's also about rights, about participation, about the need to have a strong, stable government as well as one that is transparent and respects the rule of law, subject to checks and balances."
Mr. Chavez opponents have accused him of corruption and abuse of power, charging that he has stripped key institutions of their independence — the courts, the press, the anticorruption authorities — and that he uses his office to further his business interests.
The tax-free sale of his family communications company to the Colombian government for $1.9 billion in January set off the latest round of protests. Opponents charged that the sale violated conflict-of-interest laws, benefited from a change in financial rules just before the sale, and turned over strategic assets, like communications satellites, to a foreign country.
But the argument that Mr. Chavez must therefore resign does not wash with Mr. Caballero the village chief. "It's not fair that a leader gets two-thirds of the vote and then is brought down by street demonstrations," he said.
In the February 2005 election, Mr. Chavez won 61 percent of the vote, a landslide by Venezuelan standards. In a country with a long history of messy coalitions, his MVR party was the first to win an absolute majority. In many rural areas, his party swept all of the seats.
Mr. Chavez cemented the loyalty of rural Venezuelans with a three-year moratorium on their debts and a government program that offered $26,000 to every village in Venezuela, from which residents could borrow for small business ventures.
Partly as a result, rural incomes increased 29 percent in 2001, the first year Mr. Chavez was in power, 23 percent the next year, and by double digits each year since. Last year, the average rural income reached $821, according to the Rural Development Information Center of the Interior Ministry.
Mucuchies residents said they would be bitter if Mr. Chavez was removed from power.
"Of course I will be angry," said Mercedes Lezama, who works at a factory stitching Nike sweat pants for $3.70 a day. "Chavez is helping people at the grass roots."
Mr. Chavez also began a health program allowing Venezuelans to obtain any medical treatment free of charge..
When asked why he supported Mr. Chavez, Gabriel Gonzalez lifted his shirt, revealing a road map of scars. A serious motorcycle accident last year left him with a broken jaw, ribs and hip. His total medical bill, he said: 77 cents.
Mr. Gonzalez , a rice farmer who moonlights thatching roofs, said he was convinced that the people demonstrating against Mr. Chavez were being paid to show up.
The passions of the protesting university students, professors and professionals suggest otherwise, but the suspicion reflects the depth of the division in Venezuelan society today. Some Venezuelans have even compared the deeply polarized electorate here to that of the United States under President Bush.
Closer to home, there are striking parallels with Ecuador and the impeachment trial of President Jamil Mahuad six years ago. Like Mr Chavez , Mr. Mahuad was a populist figure beloved by the poor and despised by the elite and the intelligentsia.
Mr. Mahuad was deposed in 2000.
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